Skip to main content

The Misunderstanding of Secularism by Hindus and Muslims

MOHAN GURUSWAMY:
The Misunderstanding of Secularism by Hindus and Muslims.
 
Pakistan, the land of the pure, was carved out of India as a homeland for Muslims, a fact that was doubly ensured by the "cleansing" out of most of the non-Muslims who were living within it. Yet India continued to be homeland for all Indians, Hindu and Muslim, Christian or Sikh, from Assam to Rajasthan, from Kerala to Kashmir – and hoping to become a modern, democratic and secular nation of many faiths and nationalities. Even those Hindu nationalists who for long took a simplistic view of the partition as India for Hindus and Pakistan for Muslims had till the advent of the Modi regime, had largely come to accept this as the reality. Not anymore.
 
 One of the greatest ironies of Muslim separatism and the partition that it culminated in was that those who wanted it least got Pakistan where they are known as Mohajirs, and those that wanted it least got mostly left behind in India. Separatism was most vehemently espoused by the aggressive and fanatical Muslim elites of UP and Bihar. The Punjabi, Sindhi and NWFP Muslims who for long had little to do with the politics of separatism got swept up by the communalism that was unleashed by the UP and Bihari Muslim Leaguers. The RSS and other Hindu fanatics had since September 27, 1925 been preparing for this. Partition was anointed by a bloodbath.
 
Muslim separatists stayed on in India for various reasons soon joined the "secularist" bandwagon of the Congress. In due course nationalist Muslim leaders made way for communalists. It did not take long for the Muslim community to become a vote bank to be represented and manipulated by the former separatists who now began to project it as nation within a nation. The Hindu communal elements in the Congress – and they were a majority – began to define secularism as mere tolerance, instead of being a modernising philosophy. 

Secularism is not mere tolerance of other faiths, but a belief in modern values and reason.  We misread it and are reaping the bitter harvest now.
  
 We have to only look at the manner in which the Congress party reacted on the Shah Bano judgement and thus negated the impetus it would have had provided to the enactment of a common civil code. When Arif Mohammad Khan spoke in the Lok Sabha, with the encouragement of Rajiv Gandhi, he was applauded by all except the orthodox and neo-separatist Muslim lobby. Then Rajiv Gandhi, like a typical "secular" politician panicked at the thought of the Muslim vote bank dwindling and unleashed the likes of Zia-ul-Ansari in the Congress. Soon neo-separatist Muslims all over the country joined in the attack and Arif was manhandled, jostled and jeered in an organised manner wherever he went. Khan quit the Congress. The term "pseudo-secularism" entered our political lexicon shortly thereafter.
 
 Arif's travails did not end there. Things were no better in the VP Singh led Jan Morcha. Syed Shahabuddin had a precondition to campaigning for VP Singh in Allahabad. If Arif, till then VP Singh's closest associate and co-founder of the Jan-Morcha, were to campaign in Allahabad then he would not campaign. Suddenly Arif Mohammed Khan was made taboo in Allahabad and Syed Shahabuddin joined in VP Singh's battle to change the system! (And look where he has ended now?)
 
In the period of intense discussion on whether the Babri Masjid should be there or no, most well-meaning people, most very naïve sought a compromise solution. People like the editor Kuldip Nayyar used to constantly pull out drawings suggesting what could be used by Muslims for their prayers and what space could be allowed for prayers to the infant Ram Lalla. Others suggested “secular” structures varying from a hospital, or educational institution or a park and so on.  Nobody ventured to suggest that it was an ASI protected monument and cannot be disturbed. That would have been the truly secular position. 

Tempers rose, people became deliberately provocative. Syed Shahabuddin, Atal Behari Vajpayee’s onetime protégé, demanded that Hindus prove that Rama ever existed, and if they did Muslims would allow a temple to be raised. Meantime the courts allowed “Ram Lalla” to be a plaintiff, but apparently not being cognizant of the fact that it was no more than a conception carved in stone. 

The Babri Masjid was destroyed on December 6, 1992. Then came the question of what will come up here again? For Hindus the Ayodhya site is important. For Muslims the building was. Yet the Muslims insisted on the site not accepting that as long as Hindus are a majority in this country no confluence of political compulsions could come about that would allow the site to be given back to the Muslims for building a mosque there once again. The Supreme Court’s judgement while deeming the demolition illegal, was more Solomonic than constitutional. 
 
 Another issue which aggravates Hindu-Muslim ties is the apparent lack of concern for the national position on Kashmir displayed by the Muslim leadership so far. If the only region in India where Muslims are in a majority wishes to secede because they belong to a different faith, it becomes incumbent on the Muslims in the rest of India to make known their position to it. The future of Kashmir has a vital bearing upon their future also. If Kashmir were to be lost the risks of the old and now discarded idea of India for the Hindus and Pakistan for the Muslims will gain momentum again. 

Yet Muslim leaders who are quick to make an issue over relatively trivial issues like the movie "Bombay", have preferred to remain silent on this vital national concern. Modi has shown us how much he cares by endorsing the movie “The Kashmir Files”, an unhesitatingly  partisan movie about the ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Pandits from the Valley. 
 
 Sensitivity to each other's feelings and aspirations has to be a mutual affair. An essential precondition to this is to share a common perception of history. Dr BR Ambedkar postulated that a shared perception of history is one of the essentials of a common nationality. This could only be when Amir Khusrau and Tansen, Bismillah Khan and Bhimsen Joshi, Taj Mahal and Meenakshi temple, Akbar and Shivaji, Krishnadevaraya and Mohammed Quli Qutb Shah are equally reason for pride and respect, and considered by all as our common heritage. But will this be allowed to happen? The RSS expects a hattrick of Ayodhya, Kashi and Mathura to crown its century when it made its tryst with destiny.

Mohan Guruswamy
Email: mohanguru@gmail.com
17 May 2022

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Helen Mirren once said: Before you argue with someone, ask yourself.......

Helen Mirren once said: Before you argue with someone, ask yourself, is that person even mentally mature enough to grasp the concept of a different perspective. Because if not, there's absolutely no point. Not every argument is worth your energy. Sometimes, no matter how clearly you express yourself, the other person isn’t listening to understand—they’re listening to react. They’re stuck in their own perspective, unwilling to consider another viewpoint, and engaging with them only drains you. There’s a difference between a healthy discussion and a pointless debate. A conversation with someone who is open-minded, who values growth and understanding, can be enlightening—even if you don’t agree. But trying to reason with someone who refuses to see beyond their own beliefs? That’s like talking to a wall. No matter how much logic or truth you present, they will twist, deflect, or dismiss your words, not because you’re wrong, but because they’re unwilling to see another side. Maturity is...

The battle against caste: Phule and Periyar's indomitable legacy

In the annals of India's social reform, two luminaries stand preeminent: Jotirao Phule and E.V. Ramasamy, colloquially known as Periyar. Their endeavours, ensconced in the 19th and 20th centuries, continue to sculpt the contemporary struggle against the entrenched caste system. Phule's educational renaissance Phule, born in 1827, was an intellectual vanguard who perceived education as the ultimate equaliser. He inaugurated the inaugural school for girls from lower castes in Pune, subverting the Brahminical hegemony that had long monopolized erudition. His Satyashodhak Samaj endeavoured to obliterate caste hierarchies through radical social reform. His magnum opus, "Gulamgiri" (Slavery), delineated poignant parallels between India's caste system and the subjugation of African-Americans, igniting a discourse on caste as an apparatus of servitude. Periyar's rationalist odyssey Periyar, born in 1879, assumed the mantle of social reform through the Dravidian moveme...

India needs a Second National Capital

Metta Ramarao, IRS (VRS) India needs a Second National Capital till a green field New National Capital is built in the geographical centre of India. Dr B R Ambedkar in his book "Thoughts on Linguistic States" published in 1955 has written a full Chaper on "Second Capital for India" While discussing at length justfying the need to go for a second capital has clearly preferred Hyderabad over Kolkata and Mumbai. He did not consider Nagpur. Main reason he brought out in his book is the need to bridge north and south of the country. He recommended Hyderabad as second capital of India. Why we should consider Dr Ambedkar's recommendation: Delhi was central to British India. After partition, Delhi is situated at one corner of India. People from South find it daunting to visit due to distance, weather, language, culture, etc. If Hyderabad is made second capital, it will embrace all southern states. People of South India can come for work easily. Further, if Supreme Court...