T.Chiranjeevulu IAS (Ret), President and Founder BCIF(BC Intellectuals Forum)
On the occasion of
Doddi Komaraiah's birth anniversary, the Telangana armed peasant struggle began
on this very day. On April 3rd, 1946, he was martyred, and from that moment
forward, the Telangana armed peasant struggle commenced and continued until 1951.
This struggle was
waged against feudalism and the tyranny of the Nizam in Telangana, during which
4,000 people lost their lives. Thousands of villages were liberated from feudal
lords — primarily zamindars, deshmuks, deshpandes, and patwardis. Approximately
ten lakh acres of land were redistributed through this movement.
When we compare the
social and economic conditions of Telangana then with those of today, we find
that the exploitation which existed then continues in much the same form today.
While the nature of exploitation has evolved and people now speak with somewhat
greater freedom, the Backward Classes (BCs) remain completely marginalized
across all sectors of society.
The Legacy of the
Struggle
Whenever we remember
Doddi Komaraiah, the Telangana armed peasant struggle vividly unfolds before
our eyes — the massacres jointly carried out by the Nizam's Razakars against
ordinary people. In those days of entrenched feudalism, thousands upon thousands
of acres of land were concentrated in the hands of a privileged few, while the
common people were forced into bonded labor, surviving only by uttering
subservient pleas to their landlords.
To illustrate the
scale of this inequality: in Suryapet, a single landlord held 1.5 lakh acres of
land. Similarly, in Mahabubbad, Jannaredy Janardhana Reddy owned thousands of
acres. The Telangana armed struggle, in fact, originated as a direct response to
the atrocities committed by Vishnur Ramachandra Reddy and his mother Janakamma.
It was in Kadivendi village that this resistance first ignited, and it was
Doddi Komaraiah who stood up and led that charge.
Against those very
atrocities, our Yadava brother Bandi Yadagiri composed the celebrated song "Bandenuka
Bandi Katti," which Gaddar later immortalized through the film Maa
Bhoomi. However, the song was originally written in protest against
Jannaredy Janardhana Reddy of Mahabubbad.
Such feudal jagirs and
their associated oppression existed across Telangana — in Kanthatmakuru in
Warangal district and in many other regions. In Kadivendi, Chakal Ailamma too
fought valiantly against Vishnur Ramachandra Reddy.
The Baironpalli
Massacre
In the nearby village
of Baironpalli, approximately 1,200 Razakars launched a devastating attack,
surrounded the village entirely, and opened fire indiscriminately — killing 120
people. After the massacre, the bodies were piled together in the heart of the
village, and all the women of the village were forced to strip and perform a
mockery of Bathukamma — dancing naked around the corpses of their loved ones.
That was the horrifying pinnacle of the atrocities committed in those dark days
— a barbarism that rivaled the worst ravages of history.
Then and Now
Telangana emerged from
such unspeakable horrors — yet what has become of it today? Let us examine that
question.
A great many people —
predominantly Bahujans — laid down their lives fighting against the Nizam and
the Razakars. Even some members of the Reddy community participated in the
movement and sacrificed their personal wealth — Arutla Ramachandra Reddy being one
such example. However, the majority of upper-caste landlords — particularly the
deshmuks — were 95% Reddys and Velamas, while the deshpandes were 95% Brahmin.
It is also worth
noting that the Nizam State was not confined to present-day Telangana alone. It
extended into Maharashtra, as far as Aurangabad, and into Karnataka,
encompassing Gulbarga, Bidar, and Birat. It was, in every sense, a vast
multilingual state.
On August 15, 1947,
when India celebrated independence, here in Telangana the situation was
entirely different — the Gaironpalli incident occurred, followed by the
Parakala massacre, where 22 people were lined up and shot dead in cold blood
near the treasury — another Jallianwala Bagh unfolding on Telangana's soil. All
of this was the brutal suppression that landlords unleashed upon common people.
And then, remarkably,
those very same landlords who perpetrated all this violence put on Gandhi caps
and resurfaced as respectable figures the moment freedom was declared. The
Hyderabad State was formed in name only. This was the same political establishment
that arranged a special flight to send Qasim Razvi — directly responsible for
the deaths of 4,000 people — safely to Pakistan, without any punishment
whatsoever. This is the nature of governance this country has witnessed.
For whom, then, did
these martyrs sacrifice so much? After all those sacrifices, after the creation
of Telangana, the people still had no land, no sustenance, and no liberation.
They were driven back into bonded labor, which compelled them once again to take
up the path of revolution. Various people's movements arose in the aftermath.
Only later did governments reluctantly open their eyes and introduce land
reform legislation in the 1970s. Some land may have reached ordinary people
through those reforms, but even today, the majority of land in Telangana
remains concentrated in the hands of dominant castes.
The BC Question
Today
From the time of
Sarvai Papanna to the present day, the weaker and backward sections of society
have continued making sacrifices. Their labor enriches others. Their votes
empower others. The people must ask themselves: is it not time to put a full
stop to this cycle?
Those who have
suppressed us for thousands of years — denying us education, wealth, dignity,
and political power — how justifiable is it for us to vote for them and place
them in positions of authority? The people of Telangana must reflect on this
with clarity and conscience.
A BC movement is now
slowly but steadily gaining ground in Telangana. We have achieved certain
victories, but a truly transformative change is yet to come. If we continue to
tolerate these ruling elites, our lives will not improve — they will only
deteriorate further.
The Caste Census Issue
Thanks to the
collective efforts of various organizations, a caste census was conducted in
Telangana. The central government also promised one at the national level, but
in Phase 1 of the census, column 13 was categorized only as SC/ST — with no
mention of BCs — effectively undermining any meaningful caste enumeration. The
reason is transparent: the ruling classes fear that if the actual numbers are
revealed, their disproportionate hold on power and resources will be exposed
for all to see.
The data from
Telangana's own caste survey raises serious questions. The BC population, which
previously stood at 61%, declined to 56% after the survey. Meanwhile, the Reddy
community, which numbered 14.7 lakh before, rose to 19 lakh — an increase of
4.3 lakh in just nine years between 2014 and 2023 — while BC numbers
simultaneously declined. When asked to explain these anomalies, the government
offers no answers.
Reservations and
Political Representation
The central
government, displaying a sudden and convenient affection for women, pushed
through one-third reservation for women in elections. Yet our 42% BC
reservation bill has been sitting with the government for over a year with
absolutely no response. They refuse to grant 42% to BCs, but they introduce
women's reservation — a policy that, in practice, primarily benefits
upper-caste women. We are not opposed to women's reservation. Our question is
simple and legitimate: when will BC women receive their due reservations?
Our demand is
straightforward: just as SC/ST reservations are granted proportionate to
population, and BCs receive the remainder within the 50% ceiling in education,
employment, and local governance — extend the same principle to political
representation. In truth, our demand goes further: BC representation in elected
bodies must reflect our actual share of the population.
Yet the government
gives nothing — not in education, not in jobs, not in local bodies, and not in
legislatures.
The Congress
government is no different. Rahul Gandhi makes grand pronouncements about
breaking the 50% ceiling and delivering justice, but has never once raised the
issue of BCs on the floor of Parliament. The Chief Minister of Telangana makes
lofty speeches but has never walked into the central government's offices and
demanded implementation of the 42% reservation. Since the current government
came to power, BC corporations have received exactly zero in funding — not a
single rupee.
A Call to Action
None of the three
major political parties have demonstrated any genuine commitment to the BC
community. All three are, in practice, anti-BC parties, and the people must
recognize this reality.
BCs have been
systematically reduced to dependence on government doles and welfare schemes,
while the ruling classes amass wealth worth crores. From 2014 to 2023, the BRS
government spent ₹1,83,000 crore on infrastructure projects alone. In just two
years and four months, the current government has spent nearly ₹1,00,000 crore
— a combined total of approximately ₹2,80,000 crore. And yet, when it comes to
BC welfare and empowerment, the figure is zero. Not a single rupee has been
allocated to BC corporations since this government assumed office.
Do BCs not deserve
development and prosperity? Must they survive solely on handouts and welfare
schemes? Do they not possess self-respect and dignity? Must they eternally toil
to enrich those who have always exploited them?
We — through our
intellectual forums and political fronts — are working together to change this
reality. We urge the BC people of Telangana: understand what is happening,
recognize the injustice being done to you, and join this struggle. If you do
not, our condition will only worsen.
The Path Forward
Yesterday, we observed
Sarvai Papanna's death anniversary. The message was unmistakable: to gain
political power, you must fight for it. Power is never handed over — it must be
claimed. Just as our ancestors once fought with swords and laid down their lives,
today we must fight with the ballot paper. Vote for our own people, and our
lives will begin to change. We must rewrite our own destiny.
Today, on the occasion
of Doddi Komaraiah's martyrdom anniversary, Sarvai Papanna's death anniversary,
and Shivaji's death anniversary — for their dreams and sacrifices to be truly
honored, the BC flag must one day fly over Golconda Fort in Telangana. Only
then will we have genuinely done justice to those who gave everything for us.
We are all committed
to that struggle. To the people of Telangana: these exploitative rulers have no
place in our future. These three parties have consistently looted, deceived,
and betrayed the people. Do not give them your vote. Instead, identify and elect
BC candidates who will genuinely represent your interests. Solutions to our
long-standing problems will follow.
As Dr. Ambedkar wisely
said: the solution to all problems lies in political power. Let us resolve to
secure that political power — and within the next four to five years, through a
united BC movement, demolish these feudal strongholds, raise our flag high, and
build a just, equal, and socially dignified Telangana for all.
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